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PROSPECTS OF SPAIN 



DELIVERED BEFORE 



THE MARYLAND INSTITUTE 

FOR THE PROMOTION OF THE MECHANIC ARTS, 
By S. T. WALLIS; Esq. 



MAltCH 12, 1852. 



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Pxiblished at the Request of the Institute. 



BALTIMORE: 
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY & CO. 

No. 178 Market Street. 

1852. 



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LECTURE 



ON 



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AND 



PROSPECTS OF SPAIN: 



DELIVERED BEFORE 



THE MARYLAND INSTITUTE 



FOR THE PROMOTION OF THE MECHANIC ARTS» 



By S. T. WALLIS, Esa, 







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^ 



MARCH 12, 1852. 



Published at the Request of the Institute. 





BALTIMORE: 
PHINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY & CO. 

No. 178 Market Street. 

c/j 1852. 






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Maryland Institute, Baltimore, March 15, 1852. 

To S. Teackle Wallis, Esq. 

Sir: — I regret to learn that you cannot comply witth the request of the 
Committee on Lectures to repeat the Lecture delivered by you before the Insti- 
tute on the evening of the 12th instant. 

The gratification afforded by your admirable production, to the inteUigent 
auditory assembled on the occasion, and the disappointment of a very large 
number of ladies and gentlemen, who, from the crowded state of the Hall, 
were unable to gain admission, have caused a strong desire to obtain the dis- 
course in print, for perusal and preservation. 

In response, therefore, to the general wish, and on behalf of the Managers 
and Members of the Maryland Institute, I take pleasure in soliciting you to 
place in the possession of the Committee on Lectures the manuscript for publi- 
cation. ' 
With high regard, 

Your obedient servant, 

JOSHUA VANSANT, President 
Maryland Institute. 



St. Paul Street, March 15, 1852. 
Joshua Vansant, Esq. 

President Maryland Institute, &fc. 
Sir: — I am greatly indebted to the Maneigers and Members of the Mary- 
land Institute, for the favorable consideration they have done me the honor to 
express, through you, in your courteous letter of this morning. 

As a portion of the historical matter, which my lecture contains, will proba- 
bly be published hereafter, in a more formal shape, and I hope, a more 
instructive connexion, I should prefer, on my own account, postponing its 
appearance, altogether, till that time. I feel, however, that the kindness of my 
reception, [and of your present request leaves me no alternative but that of 
placing the manuscript at your disposal. 

I shall, therefore, very cheerfully hand it to your Committee, and 

Am, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

S. T. WALLIS. 



'§tctmt on ^pah 



It is not altogether my faulty if the topics to which I shall in- 
vite your attention^ have but little direct relation to the peculiar 
objects of the Institution at the request of whose oflficers I am 
before you. The narrative — for it is but little more — which I am 
about to present you, was prepared for a different purpose, and 
had already answered that purpose, well or ill, when the Man- 
agers of the Institute did me the honor to insist that I should make 
it part of the course in which I had promised to participate. 
The historical shape which it necessarily assumes, leaves but 
little room, at the best, for that sort of attraction which is now 
generally sought in the lecture-room. It is not my object to aim 
at anything of the kind. I shall be content if you will allow 
me, as unambitiously as may be, to diffuse a little information 
■upon a subject which few persons take the trouble to investigate, 
but which has occupied a good deal of my observation and 
leisure. It may be the means of removing a few, out of many, 
prejudices which have riped and riped, until it is now well nigh 
time for them to rot and rot. 

Our actual relations with Spain and her magnificent and 
much coveted dependency, the Island of Cuba, should render 
a just idea of the political situation and prospects of that ancient 
kingdom particularly desirable to us at this moment. The 
eminently attractive point of view too, in which the reigning 
Monarch has recently presented herself to us— dispensing, with 
a womanly heart and a free hand, the blessed prerogative of 
mercy — should incline us to regard, not only with interest, but 
with a warm and partial interest, the institutions which support 



her throne. So far as the higher walks of Hterature are con- 
cerned^ we have certainly done our part as a nation, towards 
illustrating the glorious past of the Peninsula. We have dedi- 
cated to it the learning and taste of Ticknor, the graceful inspi- 
ration of Longfellow, and the genius and eloquence of Prescott 
and Irving. But as a general rule, with rare exceptions, it is 
hardly possible for anything to surpass the grossness of the 
ignorance which is displayed by our public prints in regard to 
the present social and political condition of the Spaniards, the 
nature of their government, and the effect and tendency of their 
institutions. A large proportion of the graver and more re- 
sponsible sources of information are tainted with the same 
vice, and it really seems as if there were a combination between 
journalists, travellers, and sketch-writers, to justify, in the pre- 
mises, the outbreak of Walpole against history — " Oh! tell me 
not of that, for that I know to be a lie!" 

I must not, of course, be understood as pretending to any 
monopoly of fairness or accuracy in either the facts or the de- 
ductions 1 shall give you. I profess nothing more than to have 
examined the matter carefully, impartially, and for myself, with 
advantages not every day enjoyed, and facilities which I did my 
best, in an humble way, to render usefully available. 

If you take up one of the multitudinous school-books of your 
children — a geography or history, for example — and turn to the 
title "Spain," there is every probability that you will find it 
headed, according to the prevalent pictorial fashion, with a wood- 
cut, representing a fandango, or a bull-fight, or a man with a 
sugar-loaf hat and breeches, who is thrumming on a guitar, 
under a grated window. I have occasionally seen such books, 
not long back, with prints of heretics, in long gowns and fools' 
caps— their hands tied behind them, and a crowd of shaven and 
ferocious looking monks brandishing crucifixes in their faces! 
Now, there can be no doubt that the Inquisition did once exist 
in Spain, and men burned each other — 

" quite persuaded 



That all the Apostles would have done as they did," — 

but it is more than seventy years since the last random blaze of 
the aiitos defe was put out! Bull-fighting is unquestionably a 
popular amusement there still, and to me, I am sony to confess^ 



an exceedingly fascinating one, in spite of its cruelty. It is 
quite true that men do dance in Spain, and make love, and use 
their guitars and voices for the purpose, especially in Andalusia — 
where, as elsewhere, love-making is regarded as a charming 
sport, though dangerous! But bull-fighting, and dancing, and 
the singing of love-songs are not all of life there, notwithstand- 
ing. The national existence means something more than that 
comes to. Men have cravings there, like other men, for some- 
thing higher and better than the Barmecide feast of pleasure. 
In the name then of true knowledge and honest teaching, why 
should education be thus debased into a scheme for the inculca- 
tion and perpetuation of prejudices? Are we to see nations 
painted only in the colors of their follies or their vices? To 
make them understand and respect each other — to teach them 
what is good in their fellows — is the best way of keeping them 
friends, and preserving the peace of the world. To fill them 
with false notions of each other — to make them despise each 
other — is to whip the horses of war. In national, as in social 
intercourse, it is the trifle, that goads and irritates and nourishes 
ill-blood. Questions of principle, between nations as between 
men, are easily understood and easily settled, where neither 
prejudice nor passion distorts them. All men agree upon them, 
in the main, and the world's opinion is an arbitrament which 
nations in the main obey. But it requires an approved Christian 
to do justice, much less charity, where he despises or feels con- 
tempt, and still more, where he is despised or contemned, and 
can retaliate. Nations, I am afraid, are sorry Christians at best, 
and cannot, at all events, be relied on for the exercise of the 
virtues that become them as such, to any greater extent than 
individual sinners. 

It is in this point of view that it becomes every lover of peace 
and justice to set his face against the barbarous system of poison- 
ing the youthful mind, to which IJiave alluded. It is for this, 
that it becomes every man who has had access to the truth to 
show it forth when he can. It is this system of caricature — 
originating partly in our inheritance of English prejudice and 
partly in religious bias — the odium iheologicum, that worst of 
hatreds — it is this system of ridicule and injustice — which has ut- 
terly destroyed the sympathy we ought to feel for a great, mag- 
nanimous and loyal people. It is this which makes us forget the 



patriotism and endurance that have carried the Spanish people 
in honor and triumph, through struggle after struggle, long and 
bloody, for their national integrity and independence. It is this 
which makes us continue, in the face of fact and in the hght of 
knowledge, to despise, as the slaves of a despotism, the subjects of 
a constitutional monarchy — a people in whose hearts and cus- 
toms is implanted as much of the spirit of proud personal inde- 
pendence and high-toned nationality, as much of genuine man- 
liness, and true chivalry, and scorn of wrong and baseness, as 
in any people upon either continent! 

The Spanish government, I have said, is a Constitutional 
Monarchy. It is, I confess, as fvilly entitled to the appellation 
from the number of the organic laws it has had, as from their 
nature. The first, the Constitution of 1812, was framed during 
the absence of Ferdinand VII, in captivity in France, by the many 
eminent and patriotic men who had been most active in devoting 
themselves and their fortunes to the maintenance of the national 
independence against Napoleon. Loyal as well as patriotic, 
they had taken no advantage of their king's long absence, to 
weaken his legitimate authority or sap the foundations of his 
throne. They had done nothing without his declared and ap- 
parently sincere approbation, and when at last he was about to 
return to the sceptre of his ancestors, it was the pride of the 
good and brave men who had preserved it for him, that they 
had made him and his descendants secure in its possession, by 
linking the dignity and honor of the monarch with the hap- 
piness and frefidom of the people. The defects of the Con- 
stitution were no doubt many — such as it was impossible to 
avoid, in engrafting a free representative system upon the habits 
and traditions of an eminently monarchical and long oppressed 
country. But its framers kept continually before them the sub- 
ordination of the crown to the law, and the protection of the 
rights of all classes, from the encroachments of both lawless- 
ness and power. During the short period of their sway, the 
first Constitutional Cortes reformed many abuses, ecclesiastical 
and political, and established much that was wise, liberal, and 
of hopeful promise. 

The first act of the restored king, however, was to avail him- 
self of the enthusiasm produced by his return, to overthrow the 
Constitution, forswear the oath he had voluntarily taken to 



support it; and repudiate and anathematize whatever had been 
done for freedom in his name. To the faithful servants, who 
had devoted themselves through blood and fire to their country 
and to him, but had been guilty of the sin of constitutionalism, 
dungeons and chains were the mildest testimonials of his grati- 
tude. All that was wise, and eloquent, and liberal, and good, 
in the land, was sent into exile, poverty and sorrow. Despotism 
became more despotic than ever, for it was the despotism of a 
treacherous and unprincipled reaction. 

Prom 1820 to 1823, there was a brief revival of constitutional 
rule. But those were the days, in Europe, of congresses of 
kings, and holy alliances — of the balance of power, the right 
divine, and sacred restorations. We, in this country, had not 
been favored then with any Hungarian revelations, as to the 
sense of the word " intervention," or the meaning of the Wash- 
ingtonian Policy. In the face of the whole world, "therefore, 
the Duo d'Angovileme, in 1823, marched from the Bidasoa to 
Cadiz, to crush for Ferdinand what he could not crush for him- 
self — to stifle the struggles of a people who meant, and were 
able to be, and but for him would have been free. The deed was 
soon done, and when the exiles of that strife were scattered the 
wide world over, there is no tradition that a national cock-boat, 
even, was sent with a greeting to one of them, or that one generous 
wine-cup was emptied to the hopes of their " down- trod den " 
land. It was some consolation to them, however, that if they 
lost the banquets of these days, they were likewise spared the 
hand-shaking and the speeches! 

From 1823, down to the death of Ferdinand VII, in 1833, 
the picture is all shadow. It is hard to say whether folly or 
iniquity was the predominant characteristic of that very foolish 
and wicked man. His only objects in life were power, ven- 
geance, and the gratification of his appetites. His policy had 
but two departments, force and fraud. His only address was 
falsehood, and when it was not necessary to him as an instru- 
ment, he sported with it as an accomplishment, or enjoyed it as 
a luxury. He hated constitutions because they trammelled 
him. He hated reform even when it did him no harm, because 
the constitutionalists were reformers, and had befriended him, 
and had shed their blood for him, and he hated them. Having 
no idea of government, except as the exercise of his own will, 
2 



10 

he found the ancient traditions of his kingdom as objectionable 
as the new hghts, and he loved them all the less, because he 
understood none of them. Religion — though he professed it 
sturdil)r, went through its forms ostentatiously, and clung to it, 
like a bad coward, when death terrified him — he practically 
valued only as a lever of government. Education and literature 
he discouraged, because he knew nothing about them, and had 
an indefinite idea that they were not to be trusted. Men of 
learning and talent he drove as far away from him as possible, 
being, to use a phrase of Lord Chesterfield's, "as much afraid 
of them as a woman is of a gun, which she thinks may go off 
of itself and do her a mischief." He had, in fine, no sympathy 
with the feelings of his people, because he had no heart, and 
none with their intellectual yearnings, because he had no head. 
The only good thing he ever did was to die, and he did that, so 
history records, as slowly and unsatisfactorily as possible, hav- 
ing never learned, in all his vicissitudes, to submit with grace to 
necessity, and being opposed on principle to gratifying his peo- 
ple, as long as he could in any way avoid it. As a rebel poet 
said of his grandsire, Charles III, a far better and wiser man, 

"Murid de mandar hario," 

he died of a surfeit of power! We may pardon power many 
of its enormities for having ultimately become his executioner! 
Upon the death of Ferdinand, the Queen Regent his widow 
Cristina, would have willingly adhered to the simple despotism 
which he had taken so much pains to establish, but Don Carlos, 
the brother of the late king, declared himself at once the legiti- 
mate heir to the crown, and Cristina was compelled to make 
fiiends, as she best might, for her infant daughter, who had 
been proclaimed Queen under the title of Isabella the Se- 
cond. Don Carlos being an ignorant and nan-ow minded 
bigot, whose chronology of ideas came down no lower than the 
fifteenth century, of course rallied around him the most influ- 
ential and active partisans of the stationary and retrograde 
schools in government and ecclesiastical policy. Cristina con- 
sequently had no alternative, but to throw herself and her 
daughter into the arms of the liberal party. It was an alliance 
of iaterest, not of love, on the Regent's part, and the smiles of 
heaven were never upon it. Her first step was an attempt to 



11 

compromise between despotism and a liberal system, by the pro- 
mulgation of the Estatuto Real, or Royal Statute, a quasi-con- 
stitution, which was in reality worse than nothing, for it merely 
added the attractive semblance of popular representation to the 
usual conveniences of absolute rule. The liberal party had de- 
voted themselves with unfaltering faith to the throne of Isabella. 
It was the cause not merely of freedom and the future, but of 
chivalry — of a royal widow and a helpless girl^and they were 
ready to die for it, as their fathers died, for God and Isabella the 
Catholic, on the Vega of Granada. Yet they were too wise not 
to know the folly of trusting altogether to Bourbon generosity 
or justice. They had just come home from the banishment 
into which kingly treachery had twice sent them, and they knew 
that Cristina was of the House of Naples. The Estatuto Real, 
therefore, could not satisfy them. The Q,ueen Regent, being a 
Bourbon, was of course deaf to reason and experience, and the 
result was that in the summer of 1836, she found herself com- 
pelled, amid the bayonets of a rebellious soldiery, to sign a de- 
cree for the promulgation, once again, of the Constitution of 
1812-20. This was but the prelude to the meeting of a Con- 
stituent Cortes, or as we would call it, a Constitutional Conven- 
tion, whose labors were crowned, in June, 1837, by the adop- 
tion of yet another fundamental law. 

When the constitutional system was overthrown in 1823, the 
liberal party had been long enough in power to be broken into 
factions. The principal point of difference was that which di- 
vides all popular parties — the question as to where progress should 
end and conservatism begin. Ten years of persecution and 
sorrow seemed but to have confirmed the advocates of each set 
of doctrines in their original convictions, and when the necessi- 
ties of Queen Cristina recalled them all to the responsibilities of 
government, it was but a signal for the revival of old disord(|rs. 
The conservative liberals had become satisfied more than ever, 
that they could only escape the uncertainties of the past by 
centrahzing the administration, strengthening constitutionally 
the hands of the executive, and appealing to loyal and conserva- 
tive traditions. The men of progress, on the other hand, were 
quite as thoroughly convinced that too many concessions had al- 
ready been made to the monarchical and central idea, and they 
believed that they could see in those concessions the true secret of 



12 

the downfall of former free institutions. The Regent being a 
Queen, and as I have said, a Neapolitan, of course followed 
but her instinct, in supposing that conservative liberalism was a 
lesser evil, than the same iniquity rampant with the spirit of 
change. She therefore, without hesitation united her fortunes 
with those of the moderados, between whom and the progre- 
sistas the breach was made, daily, wider, by the struggle for 
power. 

Party names, like all other words which typify practical 
opinions, signify much or little, acpording to their latitudes and 
the circumstances which surround them. Most things, indeed, 
owe a great deal to the light in which we see them and the eyes 
we look with. You all remember Lord Kaimes' illustration, of 
the fine lady and the clergyman who were looking at the moon 
together through a telescope. "I see two shadows," said the 
lady, "and they incline towards each other. Doubtless they 
are two happy lovers!" "Your pardon, madam," cried the 
priest, "they are obviously the two towers of a Cathedral!" 
A. progresista who might be deemed qiiite rabid and dangerous 
in Spain, would be a pale and twinkling light, in comparison 
with the most subdued exhibition of those democratical pyro- 
technics, which are considered, at their brightest, as quite harm- 
less among us. The most unenterprising moderado, on the 
other hand, might be taken for quite a revolutionist, in contrast 
with the orthodox royalists who adhered to Don Carlos and were 
addicted to swear upon the holiness of the anointed — men who 
would have gloried in re-establishing, for/church and state, the 
maxims and practices of Philip the Second and Antonio Perez, 
without a spark of the intellect or energy which gave respecta- 
bility and dignity to that grand though gloomy despotism! 

The two fractions of the liberal party, therefore were not 
quifte as far apart, in reality, as they seemed to be — and al- 
though — by dwelling on their peculiar points of difference, each 
to defend and fortify his own — each grew more absolute and 
more exclusive — the moderado more moderate and the progre- 
sista more progressive — they were stUl near enough together, in 
1837, to find some terms of compromise. Perhaps the pre- 
sence of a common enemy suggested to them the necessity of 
union. The cause of Don Carlos — though unacceptable to the 
more enlightened portion of the population — the inhabitants of 



13 

the cities and large towns especially — was still deep in the affec- 
tions of the rural districts. New ideas do not enter rapidly^ 
where the men who are to caiTy and receive them have access 
to each other, only by mule-paths^ over rugged mountains. 
Mac-Adamized roads are a great help to free principles. It 
was, consequently, a universal rule, that the fastnesses of the 
hills and their almost inaccessible valleys, were strongholds of 
Carlism. The liberal party were compelled to regard this as 
a fixed fact, and to act accordingly. Although, therefore, 
the Cortes of 1837 were under the exclusive control of the 
progresistas, they had the prudence, as well as the magna- 
nimity, to maJce such concessions to their opponents, as removed 
the most substantial objections to the Constitution of 1812, and 
united in its support, for a time at least, almost all the advocates 
of a constitutional system. There seemed to be in prospect for 
a while, one of those political millenniums, which are so often 
prophesied, but never happen, even in countries where political 
augury ought to be a more demonstrative science than in Spain. 

In August, 1839, the death-blow was given to the hopes of 
Don Carlos, and in 1840, the feeble remnant of his army was 
put to rout. Espartero, the victorious leader of the government 
forces, was a progresista in his politics, and naturally enough 
availed himself of his prestige with the nation, to elevate and 
fortify the position of his party, which at that time was very 
much depressed. A moderado majority, in the Cortes, had just 
adopted a law adverse to the municipal organization which the 
liberal party had always so vigorously upheld. The progre- 
sistas continued to regard the free municipal system as one of 
the chief bulwarks of provincial and popular rights, against that 
absorbing centralization, towards which the moderado, like the 
old despotic, doctrines tended. Espartero endeavored to procure 
from Cristina a veto on the obnoxious statute, and a dissolution 
of the legislature which had enacted it. Cristina refused to 
yield. A popular outbreak was the result, which was followed 
by her Majesty's resignation of the Regency, in 1840, and her 
immediate departure for France. Espartero was elected Re- 
gent, in her stead, and the progresistas, for a little while, had 
everything in their own hands. 

In Calderon's beautiful drama of the Cisma de Inglaterra — 
the English Schism — or as we call it, the Reformation in Eng- 



14 

land — the melancholy Catharine of Anagon, in the depth of 
her desolation and disgrace, calls on her maidens for a song, in 
which they ask the very flowers to learn, from her. how all 
things fleet and fade! The chances and changes of Spanish 
politics might give as serious instruction to the leaves and grass, 
as the vicissitudes of Henry's victim! In the summer of 1843, 
Espartero, Duke of Victory, Regent and Saviour of the realm, 
was a fugitive on board an English steamer in the Bay of Ca- 
diz — stripped of his tides, and stigmatized in a ministerial 
decree as "bearing the mark of pubhc execration!" With 
Espartero, fell the friends who had clung to him and the supre- 
macy of the doctrines they had espoused. In the face of the 
Constitution, which expressly provided that the age of fourteen 
should be the term of the royal minority^ — Isabella — a child 
not quite thirteen — was declared of full age, and invested with 
the symbols of dominion. Then commenced the predominant 
influence of Narvaez, Duke of Valencia — a man of mark and 
greatness — who, from that time to the present, has, directly or 
indirectly, in person or by influence, ruled the destinies of the 
Peninsula. It was under the influence of Narvaez and the 
moderado party, that the Constitution of 1845 was adopted — 
which, down to the latest dates by the steamers, continued to 
be preached from, at Madrid, as the fundamental text. Nor is 
it likely to be soon changed. The science of interpretation has 
gradually superseded the older and clumsier methods of dis- 
pensing with obnoxious provisions, and all parties seem to have 
adopted, in Spain, a rule — elsewhere, quite illustrious — that of 
administering Constitutions "as they understand them." In 
such case, you know, one form answers about as well as an- 
other. 

It is not my intention to add to these details — which I have 
already crowded too thickly upon you — by an analysis of the 
present fundamental law of Spain'. It is, no doubt, defective 
in many particulars — perhaps positively bad, in others. It no 
doubt gives to the central administration an absorbing influence, 
hardly compatible with that development of provincial interests 
and preservation of provincial rights which must, ultimately, be 
demanded by the national prosperity. It no doubt retains many 
of the executive features, which owe their origin to the times 
when Constitutions were not in vogue. It is unquestionably 



15 

loose in many of those provisions which vitally regard the lib- 
erty of the subject. It admits constructions, which ought never 
to be allowed, in respect to matters which should not be left in 
doubt. Yet — on the whole — in its framework and design, and 
in the mass of its elements — it is a free Constitution — practically 
more free, I believe, when the habits and temper of the people 
are considered along with it — than the system of any other nation 
on the continent has ever been. It is restrictive, in its religious 
requirements — adopting the Catholic, as the religion of the State, 
and giving no formal toleration to any other — but this is not felt 
to be a grievance, by a people who are all Catholics, and who find, 
in the identification of their faith with the political guaranties of 
the State, one of the strongest claims which the Constitution has 
on their allegiance. It is thoroughly monarchical — but this is in- 
dispensable, to a people whose traditions — and prejudices even — 
are monarchical altogether — a people who, in practice and from 
conviction, regard loyalty as one of the loftiest virtues and most 
sacred and necessary duties. There are really, in Spain, no re- 
publicans or democrats — or at all events, no persons seriously con- 
templating the establishment, at any time to come, of a republic 
or a democracy. The sense of personal independence is as high 
and scrupulous there, as it can be anywhere — not excepting our 
own country. And there is a republican element too, in the 
character of the Spaniards, which, I believe exists no where 
else, at the degree in which they possess it. Your American 
citizen will concede to you, no doubt — if you ask him to do so 
— that other people are as good as he. But this is not the prin- 
ciple which he sets chiefly forth, in his life and conversation. 
It is the reverse of the medal — it is the conviction — the practi- 
cal demonstration — that he is as good as other people. He will 
not deny — he dares not deny — the equality of others with him- 
self — but he goes about always asserting his equality with others. 
The Spaniard, on the contrary, has a sense of equality, which 
blesses him who gives as well as him who takes. If he re- 
quires the concession from others, he demands it, chiefly and 
emphatically, through the concessions which he makes to them. 
There is so much self-respect involved in his respect to others 
and in his manifestation of it, that reciprocity is unavoidable. 
To this, and this mainly, is attributable the high courteous bear- 
ing, which is conspicuous in all the people, and which renders 



16 

the personal intercourse of the respective classes and conditions, 
less marked by strong and invidious distinctions, than in any 
other nation with whose manners and customs I am familiar. 

But with this eminently republican temper the loyalty of the 
Spaniards to their monarch is perfectly compatible. There is 
no servility in it. It is homage paid to the individual, as iden- 
tified with an institution. The prince is the embodiment of 
their nationality — the representative of past gloiy and present 
imity. They rally round the throne, in spite of the frailties or 
crimes of him who fills it. They are no worshippers of Ferdi- 
nand or Isabella — no martyrs for Carlos — but liege-men to the 
person whom they believe to be the rightful monarch of the 
Spains. It is a matter of great uncertainty, therefore, whether 
the most perfect system of free institutions which the Spaniards 
will ever adopt, will lack — though it may modify — the monar- 
chical feature. At present, certainly, it is folly to suppose the 
abolition of monarchy possible, and still greater folly to suppose, 
because of such impossibility, that Spain has no title to be regis- 
tered among the nations whose institutions are liberal. 

It is sometimes said, and with a good deal of truth, that the 
machinery of the Spanish elective system is often so managed as 
to make the legislative majorities echo, for the most part, the will 
of the Executive. This is an evil— a gross one — but still an evil 
not easily avoided, at first, where the executive administration has 
been maturing for centuries, and the elective machinery is new 
and of course comparatively clumsy. Yet the evil is neither 
a fatal nor a hopeless one. The veiy intrigues of the execu- 
tive, to manage the legislature, are a concession to the represen- 
tative idea. Even when successful, they are an acknowledg- 
ment of legislative supremacy — because they show that power, 
to maintain itself, feels the necessity of speaking by the mouth 
of the law. And even at the worst of times, in any represen- 
tative government, where there is liberty of speech and a press 
with any liberty, a minority is always a refuge for freedom and 
for right. I have heard, in the Cortes of Spain — in the face of 
an overwhelming ministerial majority — the measures of the ad- 
ministration canvassed, with an openness and an ability and 
courage which any legislative body of the day would find it diffi- 
cult to surpass. It is by no means rare to see the policy of an 
administration changed, in spite of ministerial majorities and the 



17 

prestige of the crown — by the mere vigor of appeals which vi- 
brateif, from the tribune of the Deputies, to the hearts of the 
masses of the people. It is impossible that there can be any great 
and permanent wrong in government, where there is thus free dis- 
cussion. Error and misrule are plants which cannot grow in the 
light. And when — coupled with and qualifying the prerogatives 
and personal immunity of the monarch, are the principle and 
exaction of ministerial responsibility — responsibility of life, lib- 
erty and fortune, for the prostitution or abuse of power — I can- 
not think that error and misrule are to be dreaded, much or long. 
Nor am I prepared to say — that even if it were practicable, or 
had been so — a more democratical Constitution would be, or 
would for ten years past, have been — desirable for Spain. On 
the contrary, it is my unequivocal judgment that it would have 
been no blessing. You may establish and alter constitutions — 
publish programmes — put forth proclamations — sing te Deums 
and fire salvoes of artillery — but it is all vanity and emptiness 
of sound, unless there be an adaptation of the system, which 
you introdace or welcome, to the character and condition of the 
people on whom it is bestowed. Institutions must be made for 
men as they are. They may be a little in advance, so as to 
lead men on — but they must not be so far before as to lead 
men astray. You may change men by degrees — but since the 
days of Titania and Oberon they have ceased to be capable of 
instant metamorphosis — unless indeed you turn their heads like 
Nick Bottom's — and then, the only marvel is the length of their 
ears. Nature is prodigal of lessons to us in this particular. 
Her permanent processes are all gradual. Far down beneath the 
magnificent surface which the earth now spreads before us, are 
traces of the slime and ooze, from which, in the long march of 
countless ages, arose, one by one, with mighty steps and slow, 
the new forms which have been developed unto us and the 
things about us! Everything that is to endure, must have time 
to grow. The marble and the granite which build our palaces 
and castles are not the products of a day. The oak whose 
rugged fibre braces their walls together, is a century, it may be, 
in climbing from its acorn to the leaf which catches, earliest, 
the rain of heaven. It is only the fungus, which is matured in 
a single night. Of the fairer and more fragrant, quick-blossom- 
ing flowers of the field, George Herbert has truly and sadly said, 
3 



18 

" Their root is ever in their grave, 
And they^must die!" 

Ferdinand and Isabella did not make Moorish Spain Christian, 
simply by tearing the crescent from the towers of the Alhambra. 
It cost long years of merciful labor, in teaching — of sinful labor, 
in persecution — to eradicate the old faith and plant the new. 
And a change of government — a deep, substantial, real change 
which shall go from the surface to the centre of society — which 
shall touch the feelings and reach the convictions of men — 
which shall revolutionize their modes of thought, and consoli- 
date into practical, operative wisdom, their theories and hopes 
and longings — such a change is almost as difficult as a revolu- 
tion in their faith. It is more difficult perhaps — ^inasmuch as 
that which deals with the unknown is more open to the access 
of the imagination, and of course more liable to be swiftly turned 
by its quick-handed power! 

Now, what a picture does the history of Spain present to us, 
from the earliest ages of which history speaks? War and noth- 
ing but war! War foreign — war domestic! The invasion of 
strangers and civil broil! The Phoenician — the Carthaginian — 
the Roman — the Goth — the Saracen and the Gaul — each tread- 
ing all things, in his turn, under his shodden heel! Then — the 
home-struggles between dynasties and aspirants to power — the 
an'ay of conflicting opinions, and personal, and local, and pro- 
vincial interests and hatreds — ^what field have they not blighted, 
which had escaped the invader's firebrand? Glory — the nation 
has had — power — splendor — empire — gold — but peace never — 
peace, the messenger of love — peace, from beneath the spread- 
ing of whose wings, alone, the glad tidings of happiness can 
go up from earth! 

I remember (if you will pardon the digression) standing, once, 
within the gallery which runs around the highest accessible in- 
ternal point of the great dome of St. Peter's, at Rome. It was 
a day — not of pontifical celebration, but still of high solemnity 
— and they were singing a grand mass in the chapel of the 
choir, as I went up. From the immense elevation at which I 
stood, the high altar and its gorgeous canopy — moulded into 
majesty from the bronzes of the heathen Pantheon — seemed 
but a trifling and a shapeless heap. The golden laiBps which 
burn aU night and day before the shrine, sent not a single ray 



19 

to me. The few stragglers, who loitered through the nave and 
transepts, seemed but as creeping insects. The noise and tur- 
moil of the world without were shut away from me. The only- 
distinct impression made upon my giddy senses, was — ^now, by 
the rising swell of a low, distant, holy harmony — and then, 
by the fragi-ant perfume of the incense — as together they went 
upon their way towards the sky! It was a solemn moment to 
me. It repaid, ten thousand fold, the pains and privations of a 
sick man's pilgrimage, and amid a press of feelings such as make 
a life-time of an instant, it engraved, forever, on my heart, the 
deep conviction, that the struggles and the strife — the storms and 
battles — that harass men and nations, are things ^'^of the earth, 
earthy," and rise no higher — and that the accents of harmony 
and the breath of peace are the only bearers upward of worship 
that will not fall short! 

Come then, in whatever form it may — that government which 
gives peace to a distracted land — which brings brother to brother, 
from the field of carnage to the home of plenty — ^which gives 
time and rest and opportunity, for the pursuit of lofty objects and 
the development of human happiness — call it by what name, or 
couple it with what institutions you may — that government is a 
blessing, and its establishment is one step forward in the march 
of civilization! 

It is in the light of the principles thus announced, that I com- 
mend, with all its faults, the system of policy established by the 
moderado party in Spain, and particularly directed and carried 
out by the leader of that party, General Narvaez. It has had 
its abuses and has them now, no doubt. It may, in some de- 
gree, have owed its origin to the desire of power — perhaps as 
much so, as to any enlarged views of statesmanship or compre- 
hensive ideas of political philosophy. But I am inclined to 
think it has not been without its due share of these last. I be- 
lieve Narvaez, though an ambitious and somewhat unscrupu- 
lous man, to have been eminently patriotic and national, and I 
am sure that posterity will do him the justice to concede that he 
*has been guided, in his many high-handed measures during the 
last few years, by an unshaken, even if it be a too monopohzing 
devotion to the constitutional throne, in whose maintenance he 
believes that the welfare of his country is involved. One thing' 
is beyond all cavil, and that is, that his indomitable and sleep- 



20 

less will has been the staff on which the peace of the nation 
has rested. To him mainly, is attributable the fact — ^which 
cannot be gainsaid — that Spain has remained more calm, and 
has gone on more quietly and surely in her march of peaceful de- 
velopment, than any other nation of continental Europe, since the 
convulsions of the last French Revolution. In the only serious 
outbreak which has occurred in Spain since that eventful epoch 
— the temporary insurrection in Madrid in March, 1848, — a 
supposed participation in which resulted in the abrupt and per- 
emptory dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer — Narvaez, Prime Min- 
ister of Spain, fought side by side with the soldiers in the 
Plaza. In his personal discharge of duty then, as always, he 
displayed the fearless energy, which, with a broad and deep 
sagacity, had established throughout the kingdom, a firm ba- 
sis for the maintenance of peace. I do not deny that the result 
was a temporary dictatorship. I do not deny that men of the 
opposing party, distinguished for ability and patriotism, were 
driven into exile, with despotic haste, on mere suspicion of 
revolutionary designs. It is not to be concealed that the bar- 
riers, which had been raised to protect the people from the 
encroachments of power, were temporarily overleaped; that in 
the reaction which followed the attempted revolution — and 
which, even yet, has not subsided altogether — the ostensible 
progress of entirely free institutions was embarrcissed and check- 
ed. To those who look only at the surface — who judge of 
things according to their names — ^who prefer 

■ the braggart shout 



For some blind gHmpse of freedom," 

to the real and substantial, but unostentatious, advancement of 
liberal institutions, in the shape which circumstances may give 
them — to such, it may certainly appear that these results have 
weakened the claim of Spain to be held among free nations. 
But it is not difficult, on the other hand, to show that the 
prosperity, the happiness, the permanent good of the people 
were rescued and secured by the reactionary course of the 
government. Like individuals, nations which have suffered 
much, are not apt to trifle and ought not to be trifled with. 
Relief such as they require, is that which they should seek — a 
reality, not an abstraction. Better far that an hundred constitu- 



21 

tional provisions should have been trodden under foot for a while, 
than that the nation, for whose preservation they were made, 
should have been plunged into discord and wo, for the formality 
of their observance. Better a brief dictatorship, with peace, 
than the nominal triumph of exaggerated liberalism, with the 
renewal of anarchy, and the certainty of desolation! Better 
one evil than a thousand! Better the annihilation of an hun- 
dred forms, than the infliction of one, deep and real curse! 

What has been the practical result? The progresista orators 
have been eloquently denunciatory. The progresista press has 
been loud and angry, and, it may be, has had the logic on its 
side. The English journals — remembering that the triumph of 
Narvaez was the knell of British influence — have teemed with 
diatribes against the existing order of things, and lamentations 
over the relapse of the Spanish people into the abuses of the 
older despotism. On this side of the water, we have echoed 
.back the British voice, until we have persuaded ourselves that 
Spain and Austria stand, side by side, the representatives and 
champions of all that deserves the hatred and contempt of free- 
men! Yet — in spite of all this — the Spanish people have gone 
on — slowly it may be according to our ideas and our customs — 
but steadily and surely — advancing their material and social in- 
terests, and developing their territorial and industrial wealth. 
Hitherto, or till within a few years back, their agricultural pros- 
perity was rendered impossible, by their defective means of in- 
ternal communication. It was in vain that a propitious soil and 
climate brought to ripeness and plenty the most bountiful har- 
vests — if the grain rotted, in the fields or in the granaries, for 
lack of roads over which it might be borne to other provinces 
where it was needed, or to the shores of the sea, whence it might 
pass to feed the stranger and bring back the stranger's wealth. 
Commerce was bent down to the earth by the pressure of pro- 
hibitory enactments, which rendered the profession of the honor- 
able merchant but a means of decent starvation, and handed the 
whole treasury of traffic to the smuggler and his infamous abet- 
tors, foreign and domestic. Manufactures, for many years, had 
ceased to be a source of wealth, except where favored in an un- 
usual degree by natural or casual advantages, or by the mainten- 
ance of the most arbitrary and unjust monopolies. Capital, 
indeed, could not possibly be led into channels — no matter how 



22 

tempting — ^which might, at any moment, be diverted or be 
drained, by the outbreaking of revohitions, or the fluctuations 
of civil war and uncertain institutions. 

During the few years which have elapsed since the conclusion 
of the Carlist rebellion — and more than ever, during the last 
three or four — the evils thus enumerated have been gradually 
disappearing. A system of turnpike-roads, upon the amplest 
scale, has been projected and is advancing, every day, more 
widely and substantially. Already many roads have been 
finished, which have given outlets to stagnant production, and set 
in motion sources of national and individual wealth which have 
been torpid for centuries. The canal-ization (as they call it,) 
of the Ebro — which will develop, to a miraculous degree, the 
resources and the energies of the central grain-gi'owing regions — 
is not only in contemplation, but in vigorous, active hands for 
prosecution. Several rail-roads have been completed — short and 
comparatively unimportant it is true — but yet so useful, within, 
their limits, as to satisfy the nation of the paramount advantage 
of that means of transportation. That which is, daily, in ope- 
ration, between Madrid and Aranjuez, is not only the beginning 
of a great central line, which is to unite the plains of Castile 
with the fertile shores and numerous ports of the Mediterranean 
— ^but is destined, of itself, to be a mighty agent in the fulfil- 
ment of the grand idea which projected it — by bringing those 
Avho work the springs of government, at the Capital, in direct 
and unavoidable contact with the wisdom, and value, and prac- 
ticability of such enterprises. Economical societies — national 
and provincial, dedicated to the improvement of agriculture and 
the promotion of mdustry of all sorts — have sprung up all over 
the land. Lyceums, with lectures — enlisting the best talent, 
yet gratuitously delivered — are beginning to do good sei-vice in 
the cities. From year to year, new modifications of the tariff, 
a more honest administration of the customs, and a more vigi- 
lant guardianship of the coasts, have increased — as they are still 
increasing — the national revenue — and infused new life into 
external and internal commerce. Here and there, manufac- 
turing establishments, of great extent and employing large 
capital, are in successful operation — breaking down by the 
force of honest and energetic competition, the monopolies which 



23 

have so long defied the will of the people, and corrupted the 
very heart of the government. 

As the re-establishment of peace has restored confidence — so its 
probable permanence has given that confidence root. Capital 
which before had sought investment, as I have said, in the safer 
and more profitable industry and speculation of other countries, 
has begun to look at home for employment. When I was last 
in Madrid, a committee on rail-roads, headed by the distinguished 
progresista leader, Mr. Olozaga — an able and enlightened pub- 
lic man — was sitting during the recess of the Cortes — ^bringing 
before it the most accomplished engineers, foreign and domestic 
— the wealthiest capitalists and most enterprising and public- 
spirited citizens — consulting with them all — seeking inforaiation, 
practical and scientific, from all sources — ^with a view to build- 
ing up, on the wisest, most judicious, and most permanent basis, 
a great national scheme of internal improvement. The crea- 
tion of corporations — formerly almost unheard of, except as 
ecclesiastical or government institutions — has of late entered 
into the national policy — care being taken to profit by the 
experience of other nations and to restrict them in that ten- 
dency to abuse which has occasionally shorn them, elsewhere, 
of one-half their capacity for good. The internal police, once 
so entirely neglected as to place life and property almost at the 
mercy of the reckless and lawless, has been remodelled, re- 
formed, and so judiciously distributed and governed, as to have 
already materially diminished the statistics of crime, and to have 
diflfused that salutary conviction of the certainty of punishment, 
which is the first step toward the recognized supremacy of the 
law. 

As yet, the visible effects of the new system are most con- 
spicuous in the cities. Madrid has grown, so greatly, since the 
death of Ferdinand VII, in all the appliances of comfort and 
indeed magnificence, social and external, that although still be- 
hind some of the other capitals of Europe, it would hardly be 
recognized by a traveller of twenty years back. In the com- 
mercial cities, the march of prosperity is equally conspicuous. 
All of them give token of it — to some extent. In some of them 
new buildings — large improvements — are every day going on. 
The monastic orders having been suppressed and their property 



24 

sequestered and sold, the monasteries have been converted into 
repositories of art, or public edifices — or have been demolished 
to make way for new buildings, or for public places of oma- ' 
ment and healthful recreation. 

In short — all over the country — in the sunshine and security 
of peace, every element of vitality seems to have germinated. 
After the frosts and incultm-e of so many dreary years — the soil 
may have yielded, slowly and with difficulty, to the first up- 
ward pressure of the weak shoots — but their roots have grown 
stronger, and they are now above the surface, catching vigor 
from the air, and expanding in the light. The day is not very 
distant, when all the birds of good omen shall gather and sing 
in their branches! 

When more perfect means of communication shall have 
brought the people together, and have given facility and fre- 
quency to their intercourse and rapidity to their interchange of 
thought and the generalization of public opinion, then the time 
will have come for the consolidation of a permanently and 
thoroughly free system. Then the nation will be wise enough 
to establish it — enlightened enough to bear it — strong enough to 
maintain it. Then Spain will bless, and the whole civilized 
world will applaud, the probation through which she is now 
passing — the wise delay, which hastens the coming of the good 
it but seems to retard. Then it will be seen, that the slow tra- 
vail was needful for the happy birth. History will have another 
example, from which to teach, that through the tangled web of 
human vicissitude, national as well as individual, runs — pre- 
cious, though invisible till the um-avelling — the golden thread 
of the wisdom and providence of Heaven. 

Of the probable direction which the pohtical institutions of 
Spain will take, when the sense of the nation, enlightened 
and mature, shall have been concentrated upon them, it is of 
course not easy to speak with even proximate accuracy, yet. 
The general tendency of things, is I think, however, towards a 
federative monarchy. The relations between Spain and Portugal 
and the feasibility of uniting the whole Peninsula as one nation 
were the subject of frequent discussion, both public and private, 
when I was in Madrid last year, and have, I know, furnished 
topics of interesting consideration to the peninsular diplomacy. 



25 

It seems diificult indeed to understand how a tendency, which 
is so much the result of natural circumstances, can be long re- 
sisted. But — leaving Portugal out of the question — the Spanish 
kingdom has more of the federal elements than any nation that I 
know of in Europe. The provinces — mostly segregated from 
each other by natural barriers — are quite as much so by their 
pecuhar and respective characters, customs and laws. The sturdy 
Biscayan, the Switzer of the Peninsula, is as different, in his per- 
sonal and provincial characteristics, from the stolid and uncouth 
Gallician — the industrious, but choleric and selfish Catalan, or 
the witty, flippant, gallant, bull- destroying Andalusian — as is the 
burgher of Amsterdam from the luxurious, sun-loving Neapo- 
litan. And so of the other provinces. Their provincial codes — 
their forms — prescriptions — ideas — are all different. Their in- 
terests are different — frequently conflicting. Their costumes 
and dialects are totally distinct. The soil they till — the pro- 
ducts they consume — are as the soil and products of remote na- 
tions. Some of them are mountaineers — some dwellers upon 
boundless plains — some fishermen, or sailors, or manufacturers, 
or cultivators of the deep green vegas that beautify the borders 
of the sea. Yet, over all, and binding them and all their di- 
versities together, is the iron band of a beloved and time-hon- 
ored nationality. Catalonians, Biscayans, Asturians, Castilians 
— they are all Spaniards! Here then are the ingredients of 
confederate strength — ^municipal diversity and national identity 
— what the political metaphysicians disguise, by calling it 
"unity in plurality and plurahty in unity" — but what every 
body understands, quite as well, from phraseology not half so 
awful. 

The very existence of these elements — so suggestive of con- 
federation, because so likely to produce prosperity under and 
through it — renders it next to impossible to uphold the present 
centralized and centralizing system, for any length of time, 
after the causes of improvement, which are now at work, shall 
have made it as easy to caiTy out as it now is to discover, what 
the national prosperity demands. The very distinction in pro- 
vincial characteristics — which would be the main stay of a 
federal union, constituted to adopt and perpetuate it, as far as 
useful — is productive only of discord and discontents, where 



26 

provincial wants and interests are merged in, an absorbing con- 
solidation. Centralization; which, modified by federal institu- 
tions, would be a blessing to every part and communicate to 
each the vigor of the whole, must, in its nature, crush what it 
attempts unnaturally to amalgamate. Two things — each in its 
way a good — are blended thus into one evil. Two healthful 
ingredients are combined, by bad chemistry, into a poison. 
This cannot last, when men grow able to appreciate it and to 
change it. There can be but one true policy, for a people in 
such a condition, and that is, to give to the provincial and to 
the national element, each, its separate and appropriate sphere 
to work in — to suiTound the throne, which shall represent the 
nation, with the guaranties which shall be drawn from pros- 
perous states united to form and to defend it. That such will 
be the ultimate shape of the Spanish commonwealth I have no 
doubt — but men have had no doubt, before this, of things 
which, notwithstanding, have never happened — and the ways 
of nations — like the ways of the power that rules them — are 
truly "in the depths of the sea." Yet I am assured, by every 
argument which can force conviction — that the day of peril to 
Spain, from the oppression of her government, is over. It may 
be long before she becomes altogether what she ought to be — she 
will never fall back into what she has been. Prom this day 
forward, her march must necessarily be onward. She has tasted 
the lotus of freedom — the tree grows by her side, and she can 
never let the fruit fall from her lips! 

I am admonished, by the progress of time, that I must close, 
what has been, necessarily, a superficial view of a wide field. 
I have done all that I had hoped, if I have been able to show 
to those who have done me the honor to hear me — that instead 
of reasons for discord and hatred, there is every reason for close 
and kind sympathy, between our country and the land which 
sent Columbus forth to seek the soil on which we dwell, far off 
amid the trackless Indian seas. If other nations, which are en- 
deavoring to break their chains with one convulsive, angry 
blow, deserve our warm enthusiasm and receive it — shall the 
same feeling be denied to one, which, for half a century — 
through blood and fire at first — and then through sad oppression, 
and through the calmer and severer trials of peaceful revolution, 



27 

has been indomitably working out her gradual but sure redemp- 
tion? Her institutions may differ from ours. Her system may 
be imperfect; her power may, as yet, be far below its ancient 
scale and that of our present predominance; but the fortitude 
and perseverance which have gone thus far will go farther, 

" ever reaping something new — 
That which they have done but earnest of the things that they shall do." 

If we are devoted to human freedom, for its own sake — 
whatever be the shape it takes — it becomes us to welcome a 
constitutional monarchy which has been reared upon the ruins 
of a despotism. That monarchy may be devoted, in appear- 
ance, rather to the cause of order than the cause of progress — 
but in Europe order is the road to progress, and there have been, 
of late, too many unhappy illustrations of the truth — that the 
worst of despotisms is that which follows an abortive and too 
hasty effort to be free. All cannot be like ourselves. All 
need not be. To sympathize with none but those who adopt 
our forms, is to reverence but the reproduction of ourselves — 
to forget that which is in us and in our forms, and makes them 
and us what we are. The spirit of freedom is no giant of mist 
and vapor — Like the Fisherman's Genie in the Arabian story — 
to be compressed into a single vase, and kept captive there by 
one only seal and spell. The magic of king Solomon has not 
descended exclusively on us, that we alone may work such 
wonders. The spirit of liberty may be the indwelling soul of 
institutions, which to us and our accustomed thoughts and pre- 
judices may bear no trace of it. It may linger amid forms 
which to us may seem the meaningless slough of antiquity and 
barbarism. It may be where we least look for it — a diamond, 
in &. cavern where we see but darkness — gold, beneath a torrent 
whose black waters make us tremble. But wherever it is — it 
makes holy. Its forms are sacred, be they uncouth as they 
may. All together they may make up, what singly they are not 
— as the Faun in the forest — the Naiad in the stream — the 
deities of Hades and Olympus — were but the shapes under 
which the religion of Eld perpetuated its divided worship of the 
one pervading and indivisible God! 



28 

If we are the depositaries of the true faith of Freedom, let 
us remember that anathema is not its preaching — that love is its 
bond and charity its crown! Let us beware how we give it to 
history, to say, that the resources which Spain needed to main- 
tain her, in her toil after happiness, development and freedom, 
were wasted to protect her from the iniquity of republican ag- 
gression! 













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